Tej Bunnag, the newly appointed foreign minister, will have precious little time to perform a miracle - to salvage Thailand's foreign policy and its international reputation. Will he succeed?

The choice of Tej comes as a huge relief after two weeks of a headless Foreign Ministry. Earlier, Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej had backed former ambassador to London Vikrom Khumphairoj to succeed Noppadon Pattama. After all, he was Thaksin's choice. But his nomination did not fly amid growing public discontent with the Samak government's performance and handling of sensitive diplomatic issues, not to mention the overall planned Cabinet reshuffle. Tej was mentioned as an alternative only in the middle of last week.

To nominate Tej, Samak had to do the extraordinary and request permission from His Majesty the King to grant Tej, who serves as adviser to the Office of His Majesty's Principal Private Secretary, a temporary leave from his duties. That was why he was the only Cabinet member to have an audience with HM the King over the weekend. Tej, a 64-year-old former ambassador to the US, has an unblemished record of diplomatic service. He is also an accomplished historian with published books and research papers specialising in Thai history, especially Sukhothai and Ayutthaya periods, when Siam had extensive relations with foreign powers and neighbouring kingdoms.

With Tej in charge, worries about Thailand's foreign policy can be put to rest, at least for now. First of all, he is not associated with Thaksin and the ruling People Power Party. In fact, in his last year as ambassador to the US, he encountered difficulties with Thaksin's style of governance and preponderance for preferential treatment. With him at Saranrom Palace, the public can trust that any decision he makes or view he expresses will be based on the national interest alone and not guided by personal or political interests. Noppadon's main problem was simple: nobody trusted him.

In more ways than one, Tej's return can also quickly restore morals and dignity among the ministry's bureaucrats, who have come under severe attack and ridicule from all sides, particularly for the handling of the Preah Vihear Temple controversy. Since 2001, Thaksin has been meddling with Thai diplomatic practices and policy-makers with rewards for obedient bureaucrats and tough reprimands for outspoken opponents.

Secondly, coming at this time, his appointment is very "special" with two specific goals. The first one is to fix the delicate relations between Thailand and Cambodia, turning the current tension into a manageable friendship that both sides can build on as they look for a permanent resolution in the months and years ahead. Tej, who has served as chief of the Thai-Cambodian Cultural Commission, knows the dos and don'ts of these love-hate ties. After the burning of  the Thai embassy in early 2003, he was tasked to promote mutual historical and cultural understanding of the two countries.

Tej will head the bilateral talks scheduled today in Siem Riep with his counterpart, Hor Nam Hong - both served as ambassadors to France during the mid-1990s, so fireworks are not expected. It will certainly lay the foundation for both sides to proceed in a systematic and secured manner to address mutual unsettled concerns related to legal, political and military issues.

The immediate reduction of military tension at the border. especially over the areas adjacent to the Preah Vihear Temple, is the top priority. Returning to the status quo before the three Thais trespassed into the disputed areas is the most desirable outcome. This can be done as domestic pressure on both sides has died down. During the Asean meeting in Singapore, the Cambodian delegation used strong language during the informal consultations on the disputes depicting Thailand as a warmonger country wanting to invade Cambodia, saying things like "imminent war" and referring to Thailand as an "aggressor". Unfortunately, Deputy Prime Minister Sahas Banditkul failed to respond to these allegations. Never before had an Asean meeting degenerated into such raw vitriol.

Another priority is to ensure that the upcoming Asean summit in mid-December is a smooth and meaningful one. Uncertainty surrounding Thai politics, together with the country's amateurish Cabinet, has already damaged Thailand's chair of Asean. The Samak government has so far failed to articulate and generate enough public understanding of the significance of Thailand's Asean chairmanship and the hordes of Asean activities.

Thailand hopes to contribute positively toward a better Asean solution according to the "three Rs": the realisation of Asean Charter's full implementation, the revitalisation of a people-centred community making the group more down to earth for the 575 million Asean citizens, and finally the reinforcement of human development and security for all.

Parliament is expected to ratify the Asean Charter once it reconvenes early next month. Currently, the ratification is listed as the 60th item on the agenda. Samak would need to do some political manoeuvring to get the charter ratified as soon as possible. During the next 18 months, the Asean chair will do everything it can to make the group more responsive to the grouping's citizens by promoting civil society groups' participation in the Asean matters.

Successful establishment of an Asean human rights body, which is acceptable internationally, remains a top priority.

 Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn of Chulalongkorn and UN permanent representative to Geneva Ambassador Surasak Sihaseni, are alternate members of the High Level Panel (HLP) to draft the terms of reference. Only Thailand and Indonesia include human-right experts in their HLP delegations.

Democratic Asean members such as Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines have expressed a strong desire to have an Asean human-rights mechanism that embraces UN-endorsed principles and other universal values. That goal remains elusive as Asean's newest members have put their hard-line bureaucrats on the HLP. If the charter's drafting experience last year was any indication, the terms of reference on human rights will be an arduous process that will test each member's argumentative and linguistic skills. Thailand hopes this body will be officially established by November of next year, in time for the Asean Summit in December 2009.

To answer the question posed at the beginning, Tej will certainly succeed with the tasks assigned to him if the Samak government respects the ministry's professionalism and allows him and the Foreign Ministry the liberty to do their jobs unhampered.

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